WASHINGTON
by Meg Greenfield
Public Affairs. 241 pages. $26.00
Meg
Greenfield, the late, great Newsweek columnist and editorial-page
editor of The Washington Post, started writing Washington in the
early 1990s, unbeknown to even her closest friends. Among the
very few she told of the project was Michael Beschloss, the historian.
And in 1998, battling lung cancer, she asked Beschloss to be her
literary executor -- to ensure, as he writes in an Afterword,
"that the book would be published if she could not see it through
to the end."
She
could not. When she died, in the spring of 1999, the book was
unfinished. But Beschloss pored over the multiple drafts of each
section Greenfield had stored on computer disks labeled with "Greek-sounding
code names" and hidden in various nooks and crannies of her home
office, and, in consultation with a handful of other Greenfield
intimates, saw the manuscript through to publication this year.
Why
was Greenfield so secretive about the work? Beschloss speculates
that she might have felt somewhat shy about her first book-writing
venture, and that she may have wanted to be able simply to drop
it if necessary, no questions asked. But he thinks there was a
more important reason, as well: "From the moment she came to Washington
to live, in 1961, she was determined to preserve an inner chamber
of her life that could not be touched or altered by the carnival
going on around her."
Precisely
that, Beschloss writes -- the difficulty of living "at the center
of political and journalistic influence . . . without losing your
principles, detachment, or individual human qualities" -- is her
book's central theme. And it probably helps explain a kind of
low-grade grumbling about Greenfield's book that has been audible
in the capital's journalistic circles since it appeared. Characteristically,
with unsparing directness and incisive wit, Greenfield has cut
close to the bone, exposing Washington's habitually dishonest,
often silly, sometimes squalid -- and occasionally brave and good
-- mores for all to see.
Washington
is not about journalism per se. Instead, it is a kind of anthropological
memoir, a study, through the lens of Greenfield's nearly four-decades-long
career, of the folks and folkways that mark the center of government
and make the environs inside the Beltway seem so very foreign
to the rest of the nation. But since reporters, pundits, and editors
are central factors in the equation -- and utterly critical to
the image-mongering that, as Greenfield sees it, is Washington's
great failing -- her observations and the lessons she draws from
them may be most pertinent to her erstwhile colleagues. Following
is a small example of those large observations.
--
Merrill McLoughlin
Merrill
McLoughlin, a former co-editor of U.S. News & World Report,
is a free-lance journalist in Milwaukee.
We
in the news business developed our techniques and ethical standards
largely as a reaction to discredited professional habits of the
not-so-distant past. Partisan reporting on public figures was
among them. But too many of us have moved on from establishing
professional detachment to something different: a willful disconnectedness
from the human reality that lies at the heart of the issues and
stories we are covering.
Too
often we don't report what we really see or share what we really
know. We have taken instead to reading public figures as a hot-dog
1950s English major might read a great novel. Practically no elucidating
or extenuating context is allowed. Public figures are described
solely in terms of how well they live up to the impossible, ridiculous,
and hypocritical postures they strike from the podium. "I am and
will continue to be perfect," the public person says in the classic,
age-old junkspeak that office-seekers everywhere have always indulged.
"In a twelve-part series starting today," our newspapers will
sooner or later gravely announce, "the Daily Blast evaluates the
record of Congressman Jones and analyzes how well he has lived
up to his campaign pledge to be perfect."
Guess
who flunks? The congressman, of course, but also we in the media
who forfeit just a little more of our credibility every time we
become a willing and not quite straightforward partner in this
silly game. "Of course he's not perfect," an increasingly exasperated
readership says. "Who ever thought he was or could be? Why are
you taking this guff seriously in the first place? Just so you
can hang him with it? Why don't you tell us what is really going
on? Why don't you judge him against a realistic standard? Who
is he anyway? Why is he doing the things he does? It can't be
out of an unrelieved desire to do wrong. Might he see it, not
cynically but honestly, differently from what you have so sharply
implied? And forgive the very thought of it, but might he, at
least in part of the presentation, have a point?" As an account
of reality, our product too often rings false or empty or seems
rigged . . . .
The
hardest part of a Washington journalist's job is to discover and
comprehend what those real men and women are doing and why --
not pretend "why" or posturing "why," but why. Oddly enough, that
is still considered a heretical idea in some places.
And
here is another even less reputable idea to which I also subscribe:
You can't understand the "why" without considering the thought
that maybe these big-deal Washington personages you hound and
nitpick and trap and query -- and describe and describe and describe
-- are fallible, two-legged, air-breathing, potato-chip-eating
human beings. It doesn't mean you have to like them (though sometimes
you may).
We
recognize the conflicts and susceptibilities in others largely
by imagining them in ourselves. Journalists who persist in regarding
themselves as thoroughly clean and the world around them as thoroughly
dirty are guilty of more than misplaced moral vanity.